Twelve More People Federally Charged in the July 4 Prairieland ICE Detention Center Protest Case
Majority of Defendants Expected to Enter ‘Not Guilty’ Pleas December 3, Refusing Early Plea Offer of Up To 15 Years in Prison
DALLAS-FORT WORTH, TX — Twelve people were federally charged late last week in connection with the immigrant solidarity demonstration at the Prairieland ICE Detention Center on July 4, 2025. The new indictment and charges, including rioting, attempted murder, and material support for terrorism, came as a majority of defendants are expected to plead not guilty on December 3. Notably, federal prosecutors are offering early plea deals with recommended sentences of up to 15 years in prison.
A number of defendants could plead guilty in the coming days as a result of pressure by the federal government. The terms of the plea agreements have not been made public, but some defendants are refusing to cooperate against their codefendants. Historically, in politically motivated cases, defendants who take federal plea deals that involve cooperating with the government against their codefendants have not necessarily received more lenient sentences, and may not lessen the potential legal harm stemming from their corresponding State cases.
“The prosecution is grasping at straws,” said National Lawyers Guild member Kris Hermes. “Plea deals offered this early show the government is desperate for a quick conviction that fits their nonsense ‘Antifa’ narrative. This case is a shoddy attempt to terrorize the movement in solidarity with immigrants, but it’s not going to work.”
The defendants who were federally charged last week were added to the case of Autumn Hill and Zachary Evetts, who were federally indicted last month. US District Court Judge Mark Pittman granted the government’s motion earlier in November to designate the Prairieland case as “complex”, thereby delaying the trials of Hill and Evetts, which were scheduled to start later this month. Another defendant, Daniel Sanchez-Estrada was previously indicted separately and has now been added to this case, and his trial has been delayed from early December, as originally scheduled. It’s now unclear when Hill, Evetts, Sanchez-Estrada, and the other defendants will go to trial.
The Prairieland case has been hailed by the Trump administration as the first legal case against Antifa. FBI director Kash Patel called the defendants “Antifa-aligned anarchist violent extremists,” sharing Fox News coverage of the case on X. On September 25, the White House released the National Security Presidential Memorandum-7 (NSPM-7), which ordered all federal law enforcement agencies to prioritize combating “Antifa” as a domestic terrorism threat.
The latest indictments come just weeks after criminal charges were filed against Johnson County Sheriff Adam King, whose office is working with the federal government to prosecute the Prairieland defendants. Supporters of the defendants call into question the credibility and integrity of King and the Johnson County Sheriff’s Office. “I’m just worried about the Johnson County Sheriff’s Office respecting defendants’ rights and following the law,” said Irina Popova, a member of the DFW Support Committee. King is facing four felony charges, including aggravated perjury, corrupt influence, and abuse of official capacity, casting doubt about the veracity of the Prairieland case.
The new charges have been devastating for not only the defendants but also their families and loved ones. “It was really heartbreaking to see my sister is facing eleven of the twelve total charges. We all want her to come home,” said Diana Rueda-Muñoz, sister of Maricela Rueda. “But she’s strong, and we stand with her as she fights these outrageous charges.”
In addition to the federal charges, a total of fifteen defendants were also indicted last month on state charges, including aggravated assault, engaging in organized criminal activity, and hindering the prosecution of terrorism. The concurrent state and federal charges are forcing some defendants to defend themselves in two separate but related cases, with testimony and evidence from one potentially impacting and prejudicing the other.
The various cases stem from a noise demonstration in solidarity with ICE detainees at the Prairieland ICE Detention Center in Alvarado, Texas, on July 4, 2025. Toward the end of the demonstration, an officer with the Alvarado Police Department arrived and allegedly quickly became involved in an exchange of gunfire with someone else on the scene. The officer sustained minor injuries, and was released from the hospital shortly afterwards. Ten people were arrested at the scene or shortly after, and a manhunt ensued in the subsequent days for another defendant. Eight more defendants were arrested in the days and weeks following the protest.
Re-Introducing In Contempt: A Monthly Roundup of Repression & the Rebels Fighting Back
Following the closing of It’s Going Down, a new collective will continue publishing monthly “In Contempt” updates on https://incontempt.noblogs.org/. Updates, calls to action, news, statements, actions, corrections, and all else can be submitted to the email:
in_contempt @ autistici . org.
“In Contempt,” as always, will compile what’s happening in the world of repression, those who struggle against it, and other relevant news from a prison abolitionist perspective. If you’re unfamiliar with the project, the archive of the original “In Contempt” on IGD is still up to view.
Keep an eye out for the first roundup launching soon!
SCENES FROM THE ATLANTA FOREST WAS A DECENTRALIZED WEBSITE SERVING AS A VENUE FOR ANONYMOUS COMMUNIQUES, INVITATIONS, ART, AND DISCOURSE ASSOCIATED WITH THE STRUGGLE TO STOP COP CITY IN SO-CALLED ATLANTA. THE PROJECT BEGAN IN FEBRUARY 2021 AND ENDED IN NOVEMBER 2024. THIS BLOG CAN NOW SERVE AS AN INSURGENT RETELLING OF THE STRUGGLE, ITS PROLIFERATION, AND THAT TIME MORE BROADLY. WITH IT, ONE CAN LOCATE THE INSPIRATION AND POWER, THE GRIEF AND LOSS, THE RUPTURES AND THE RECIPES. THEY ARE RECITED BY THOSE IN STRUGGLE IN THE MIDST OF STRUGGLE.
WHILE THE NOBLOGS CAN STILL BE ACCESSED VIA THE WAYBACK MACHINE, WE WISH TO MAKE THE ARCHIVE MORE ACCESSIBLE. BELOW YOU CAN FIND THE FULL ARCHIVE IN ADDITION TO AN ABRIDGED ARCHIVE THAT CAN SERVE AS AN INDEX, FORMATTED AS A PDF AND IMPOSED FOR PRINTING.
WE HOPE THIS ARCHIVE INSPIRES MORE ACTION, MORE REFLECTION, AND MORE TENSION.
WHILE MANY HAVE LAID THIS STRUGGLE TO REST, IT IS THE BELIEF OF WE, THE ARCHIVISTS AND SOME PEOPLE STILL IN STRUGGLE AGAINST COP CITY, THAT THIS STRUGGLE IS ONGOING. WE TAKE OUR PROMISES AND OUR THREATS SERIOUSLY.
WHAT WAS THE PROMISE WE MADE TO EACH OTHER?
WE PROMISED THAT “IF THEY BUILT IT, WE WOULD BURN IT”
THEREFORE, TO HONOR THIS PROMISE, WE PROVIDE THIS ARCHIVE NOT AS A FIXED HISTORY, A MEMORY, OR A PASSING FAD, BUT AS A WORKING HISTORY, A REMINDER, AND A RECOMMITMENT TO THE STOP COP CITY STRUGGLE.
WE WISH TO HONOR OUR FRIEND CAMI (TORT) AND KEEP IT ALIVE WITH ITS NAME, ITS IMPACT UPON US, OUR FIGHTING, AND OUR FIRE. IT IS NEVER DONE UNTIL THERE ARE NO COPS, NO PRISONS, AND NO EMPIRE!
Support DFW Anti ICE Protesters On the night of July 4th, local police arrested 10 people outside the ICE Prairieland detention facility in Alvarado, Texas. On July 5th, another person was arrested in connection with the case. We don’t know all of the circumstances leading to the arrests. We do know that popular outrage and resistance to deportations is growing across the country. Organizers, activists, and affected communities have spent the year organizing rallies and protests outside of detention centers just like the one in Alvarado. The 11 people arrested currently face serious charges aimed not only at ruining their lives, but signalling an authoritarian criminalization of dissent and protest against ICE. Local authorities have set bail at $10 million per person.
This is a fundraiser to raise at least $50,000 in legal fees and living expenses for all those facing repression connected to the protest at the Prairieland Detention Center. Due to the serious nature of the charges, the majority of money raised will go towards legal fees. Those arrested have jobs, families, and rent that needs to be paid. As they remain incarcerated due to punitively high bail, some funds may be used to cover expenses like child support, rent, or other basic necessities. In the event that we raise funds beyond what defendants need as they go through the legal process, these excess funds will be used to support other Texans facing arrest and prosecution for organizing and protesting.
The DFW Support Committee is a group of loved ones, friends and comrades of the defendants who are committed to supporting them through the legal process and have experience with legal support and anti-repression organizing. We will post regular updates about the case, the use of funds from this fundraiser and the specific support needs of the defendants here. DFW Support Committee can be contacted at dfwsupportcommittee@hacari.com.
Whether or not you’re in a position to help monetarily, please share this fundraiser with your community. We encourage people to donate anonymously.
Apoya a los que protestan contra la migra
El 4 de julio por la noche, la policía arrestó a 10 personas fuera del Centro de Detención de ICE Prairieland en Alvarado, Texas. No sabemos todo lo que pasó para que los arrestaran. Lo que sí sabemos es que la gente está cada vez más indignada y decidida a oponerse a las deportaciones. Este año, se han realizado numerosas marchas y manifestaciones frente a centros de detención como el de Alvarado. Las 11 personas detenidas se enfrentan a graves cargos que buscan arruinarles la vida y reflejan la criminalización de la disidencia y la protesta contra la migra. Las autoridades locales han puesto una fianza de 10 millones de dólares por persona.
Se trata de una recaudación de fondos para reunir al menos 50.000 dólares en honorarios legales y gastos de manutención para todos aquellos que enfrentan la represión relacionada con la protesta en el Centro de Detención de Prairieland. Dado lo graves que son los cargos, la mayoría del dinero recaudado se destinará a los abogados. Las personas detenidas tienen trabajo, familia y gastos. Mientras permanezcan encarcelados por las fianzas punitivamente altas, algunos fondos podrán utilizarse para cubrir gastos de manutención de los hijos, renta y otras necesidades básicas. En el caso de que recaudemos fondos que excedan los que necesitan los acusados a medida que pasan por el proceso legal, estos fondos excedentes se utilizarán para apoyar a otros tejanos que enfrentan arresto y procesamiento por organizarse y protestar.
El Comité de Apoyo de DFW es un grupo de familiares, amigos y compañeros de los acusados, comprometidos a apoyarlos durante el proceso legal y con experiencia en apoyo legal y organización contra la represión. Publicaremos aquí actualizaciones periódicas sobre el caso, el uso de los fondos de esta recaudación y las necesidades específicas de apoyo de los coacusados. Puede contactar al Comité de Apoyo de DFW en dfwsupportcommittee@hacari.com.
Independientemente de si puede o no contribuir económicamente, comparta esta campaña con su comunidad. Animamos a las personas a donar de forma anónima.
Yet the shame continues! August 4-6, Flock is holding a conference in Atlanta, GA, at the Intercontinental Buckhead (https://www.flocksafety.com/flock-forward), with a cast of truly ghoulish characters— the police chief who presided over Memphis police officer’s murder of Tyre Nichols, loss prevention heads, drone as first responder advocates, and the company’s own C-Suite. We think the fuck not; let the games commence!
OBJECTIVE:
Fuck these flocks. In the run-up to this conference, we have an opportunity to have some fun with their investments that are terrorizing our neighborhoods and poisoning the earth. Success will look like disabling their hardware, disrupting their supply chain, and damaging their reputation by embarrassing them at their stupid little show to discourage potential investors and contractors.
This edition of the game runs for a limited time only. As Flock scales up through lucrative new contracts (like those being hawked at their summer conference/circle-jerk) and brand new factories, their technologies will evolve. Let’s clip their wings by August 4 to show investors that Flock brings crime to the streets.
INTERMEDIATE: • Join the leaderboard by destroying physical cameras and posting your city’s tallies to counterinfo sites. https://unravel.noblogs.org/new-zine-birds-of-a-feather-destroy-a-flock-together/, • Conduct hardware research on their newest tech by dismantling cameras, investigating, and reporting findings • Theatrics, shenanigans, and tomfoolery at their August conference
EXPERT: • Production facilities, personnel, transportation, oh my! Tread lightly and choose wisely; you’re soundly in enemy territory here.
EXTENSION PACK: • Coordinate with other AGs, city events like large protests or adverse weather conditions, and other contextual factors to maximize your impact & design your own strategies.
The announcers of this game take inspiration from Richmond, Philadelphia, and other campaigns calling for a concerted focus on Flock and other cameras. Credit goes where it is due for inspiration.
We mapped the street-level surveillance of so-called atlanta. Our goal is to make offensive and defensive approaches to surveillance technology more possible and for this work to be replicable.
We prioritized collecting data on ALPRs (Automatic License Plate Readers) and the city’s ‘Shield Program’ cameras. We recorded 872 Flock, 450 Motorola, and 2,316 city-owned cameras across all of fulton county and some parts of dekalb (ideally we would like all of metro atl– gwinnett, cobb, clayton, in addition to the rest of dekalb county– mapped out).
The files are organized by camera type and can be found here:
The .kml files can be imported in Organic Maps, OSM (Open Street Maps), or GIS software. In Organic Maps, they will show up as layers that can be shown/hidden as lists under the bookmarks tab (star icon). The .csv files are spreadsheets of the raw data. Feel free to publish this data on other platforms.
Each camera is identified according to type and labeled with its orientation. We used the term “dingleberry” to specify the PTZ (Point-Tilt-Zoom) cameras affixed to hanging pipe (most often seen at intersections). “Shotgun” refers to directional cameras also often seen at intersections. The “Red Light” camera list contains cameras suspected to be red light cameras, but we actually have no clue what they are (small gray rectangular cameras). While we carefully reviewed all collected data, there may be some redundancies and inaccuracies, so don’t solely rely on this data to plan actions. Do your own scouting first.
We also wrote a guide (below) on how we went about collecting and organizing this data, with the hope that it might be useful to anyone interested in doing this work in their own area.
We desire the complete destruction of the entire panopticon and all of the colonial infrastructure it seeks to safeguard. May this information aid in that project.
against borders and hope, some nihilist secretaries
The wave of resistance to federal raids that erupted in Minneapolis and spread to Los Angeles is generating shockwaves of revolt all around the country.1 As Donald Trump concentrates National Guard and Marines in Los Angeles in an effort to terrorize those who are bravely standing up for their communities, the best form of solidarity is to extend the battle lines far and wide, overstretching the mercenaries who serve him. In the following account, participants in a demonstration in Austin, Texas on June 9 describe how they escaped the control of party organizers who sought to limit the potential of the protest, then evaded police for two hours, escalating the pressure on those who seek to subdue us.
Melt ICE, Be Water
On the evening of Monday, June 9, over 600 protesters gathered at the Texas Capitol for a march announced by the Party for Socialism and Liberation. A revolutionary organization called for a parallel demonstration with a start time set an hour and a half later in front of the JJ Pickle Federal building, a US Immigration and Customs Enforcement facility four blocks from the Capitol.
The PSL rally began marching, tailed by a police motorcycle escort, and reached the ICE facility by 7:45 pm. The group was energetic and angry. A huge crowd chanted outside the building. Drummers beat a rhythm to the sound of breaking windows. Some people dragged scooters into the street; others painted pro-immigration and anti-ICE slogans or threw balloons filled with paint. All the while, red-shirted organizers from PSL were urging the crowd to keep moving. Dozens of people pushed back, chanting “ICE is right here!” Nonetheless, by 8 pm, the PSL organizers had mobilized most of the crowd back towards the capitol, successfully convincing some participants to tell others that moving would keep the group safe. A splinter group of about 100 stayed behind and continued to express their feelings with art and music. The march was effectively split between those who were acting on their own initiative and those who were submitting to the authority of the PSL.
The march surrounds the JJ Pickle Federal Building in Downtown Austin, which ICE uses as a base of operations and temporary detention center.
PSL shepherded the larger group back towards the capitol building, to an intersection with nothing but high fences, mounted cops, and streets blockaded by police. PSL organizers got on the microphone to formally disband the march. They thanked everybody for coming and encouraged them to go home and rest up to do it all again later. The crowd grew uncertain, largely returning to the sidewalk in front of the fenced off capitol and very nearly ceding the street to the police except for a few insistent spirits who remained in the intersection, dancing with banners. Troopers blared their sirens on both sides and commanded them to get onto the sidewalk—but the dancers stayed, leading chants of “Chinga la migra! Chinga la migra!”
Meanwhile, at the Pickle ICE facility, police tear-gassed the remaining revelers and tackled some of them to the ground, pushing the crowd away from the building.
Unaware of this, the cheerleaders at the capitol continued to dance, especially when the walk signal was on, inspiring some of the crowd to flood out across the street. The crowd re-mobilized in waves. This first wave took a sidewalk route back to the Pickle, where it collided with the smaller splinter group that had just been gassed. Together, they created a barrier of scooters across the street behind them and began to square off with the police in front of them.
Protesters stand behind a line of electric scooters dragged into the streets to defend against police incursions.
Back at the capitol, a chant of “Whose streets? Our streets!” brought the hundreds still on the sidewalk back into the intersection and returning south on Congress Avenue.
Almost immediately, two motorcycle cops confronted the crowd. People hesitated but pushed on. The chopper cops tried to discourage them by blaring their sirens and driving forward. One motorcycle drove into the crowd at high speed, forcing protestors to jump aside. There were immediate consequences for his aggression: a crowd surrounded his vehicle and forced him off of it and to the ground. Meanwhile, the news arrived that the small group at the Pickle building had been gassed and dispersed with a few arrests made. Although this caused a moment of hesitation, when the crowd rounded 8th Street and came upon the barrier line of lime scooters, people became jubilant.
A state trooper pepper sprays a protester after a confrontation in response to officers driving their motorcycles into the crowd.
Faced with a line of police blocking access to the building, the mostly reassembled crowd turned around. When they reached Congress Avenue again moving west, there was a line of cruisers directly ahead and a line of bike cops to the left. Immediately, the crowd found a gap in the bike line on the sidewalk and flooded through it, embodying the watchword of the Hong Kong uprising of 2019, “Be water”—though many were too young to have heard this saying in the George Floyd rebellion of 2020.
The crowd quickly realized what a victory this evasive maneuver was. Suddenly, there were no flashing lights to be seen. They had broken out of the police cordon. For the next few hours, they were able to move freely through downtown Austin.
“Chinga la migra!” resounded throughout the downtown streets. Rambunctious and playful activity escalated, each gesture building upon the last. Everything that wasn’t nailed down was moved into the street: orange barrels, scooters, event signs. The muses sang to painters from banks and venture capital firms. Some downtown businesses lost windows, some parked Lexuses lost the wind in their sails.
The crowd proceeded south down Congress, reaching the Congress bridge and starting across it. At this point, the front of the march was far ahead of rest of the march. People were uncertain about crossing the bridge out of downtown; some started moving onto the sidewalk. There was a moment of hesitation before the crowd doubled back, heading back to familiar targets like City Hall, the capitol, and downtown in general.
Then they moved west on MLK along the river, stopping at City Hall to hang the Mexican flag over the balcony before traveling north ten long Texas blocks all the way back to the capitol. Fortunately, there, they encountered the remains of the group that had originally remained at the JJ Pickle building until they were tear-gassed and dispersed. There were chants of “LA—lead the way!”
Bolstered back up to two or three hundred people, the crowd finally returned to the Pickle building. More windows were broken. Some trucks showed up and the drivers did burnouts while blasting electrifying music. People emptied water from construction barricades, flooding the street. Everyone loved it. Raucousness, dance party, good cheer.
Protesters overturn construction barricades, emptying them and filling the street with water.
The crowd continued on down to 6th Street, the main drag for nightlife. A scooter shattered the custom neon sign of The Mothership, Joe Rogan’s comedy bar. Though the venue appeared closed with its shutter rolled down, it was later learned from Reddit that there was a show going on inside. After this point, the crowd struggled to decide on a route, which slowed it down. This indecisiveness led the crowd to fall back on habit rather than strategy. Memory carried it against its better interests back towards the capitol and the police.
After not seeing a single cop for nearly two hours, the crowd began to encounter motorcycle units at intersections again. Rather than pushing through these units as people had done at first—which the crowd easily could have done again—the crowd allowed the police to determine their route. This went on for at least twenty minutes. That was a fatal mistake: the crowd was permitting the police to guide them into an ambush. People could have moved farther away and dispersed with no arrests, but instead, they walked directly into a trap.
After marching back up 6th Street, the crowd continued west past Congress, the street leading to the capitol building. Within a few blocks, a line of state troopers on motorcycles confronted the march, blocking the way forward. Once again indecisive, the crowd began to split up into different groups—one going north, one south—before consolidating into a single mass heading south. They barely got halfway down the block before two unmarked white vans in the intersection ahead unloaded squads of APD riot cops armed with pepperball guns. Aware that they were in danger of being cornered, the crowd turned down an alley. Those running ahead quickly turned back as a side by side full of more APD riot cops blocked the intersection. The APD cops dismounted and chased people down the alley, grabbing people at random and shooting pepperballs that gassed protesters and some of their own officers for good measure. This pincer move dispersed much of the crowd and led to a handful of arrests.
Shortly after this, a part of the crowd regrouped in front of the downtown tower that hosts the offices of Indeed, the job search company. There, two LRAD tanks confronted them on a busy street full of cars. The crowd targeted the operators of these tanks, pelting them with projectiles, while some of the trucks that had been following the protest prevented the tanks from moving further. This combination of tactics ultimately led to the tanks backing off.
At this point, the remaining participants dispersed for the evening.
Why did so much time pass during which the police were nowhere to be seen? First, the blockading genuinely interrupted their ability to pursue the march. This was something that the Austin police had not experienced on this scale before. Second, they lacked the numbers to keep up with and corral the protest, and the combativeness of the crowd increased the costs they had to calculate for any engagement. And at the same time, while this crowd was marching, there was still a group surrounding and tagging the federal building and then clashing with cops, so their forces were split between that engagement, defending the capitol, and chasing us.
As a police officer described in response to the 2020 uprising,
We can handle one 10,000-person protest, but ten 1000-person protests throughout the city will overwhelm us.
Perhaps the police were told to stand down, or not to create a confrontation in the neighborhood that the march passed through, or to focus on the capitol and the federal building, but for now, we don’t know. The march didn’t experience significant confrontation with the police until we returned to the capitol, after which they were only trying to keep up with a single crowd. After that point, when the crowd continued marching, the police were likely clearing the streets and coming up with plans to disperse the crowd, leading to the ambush at the end.
A growing crowd occupies the street in front of the federal building.
We’ll conclude with some conclusions about the events of the evening and about what can come next.
The main takeaway from the evening is that this moment is explosive. A minimum of physical preparation and a bit of boldness sufficed to transform what would have been a predictable, toothless rally at the capitol into the most powerful demonstration against the racist and authoritarian regime that Austin has seen since 2020. The crowd was more tactically equipped than usual, with several individuals having brought gloves, goggles, art supplies, and respirators, but the most important thing is that right now, people feel urgency.
Also: it is important to plan for success. Demonstrators should arrive with an array of possible objectives in mind, in case they easily accomplish their initial goal; but once a march starts to repeat itself, doubling back on the same territory with diminishing returns, it may be time to conclude. In this case, the participants surprised themselves by getting past the police and opening up a new horizon of possibility. Yet after a while, they lost the ability to identify new targets and stay creative, instead becoming trapped in a loop circling the same few blocks of downtown. The crowd should either have dispersed earlier or identified a new target outside the territory they had repeatedly marched through. Once the crowd lost the ability to come up with new targets, move in new directions, or at least keep growing, it was only a matter of time before the police were able to regroup and launch an offensive.
Similarly, just as it is crucial to resist the efforts of self-appointed leaders to dictate what a demonstration can do, whenever possible, people should resist the efforts of police to determine their movements. When the crowd encountered a few chopper cops or a single cruiser in its way, some people would shout “they’re kettling us” and turn around rather than charging through. In fact, this is what enabled the police to herd the crowd directly into a situation in which they almost were kettled. It is important to be aware of efforts to kettle a crowd, but often the best way to avoid this is to move through police lines where they are thin, before they are reinforced.
Finally, it can help to have material reinforcements ready for delivery well after a march gets underway.
State troopers deploy tear gas in an attempt to disperse the protest, with some in the crowd launching the canisters back.
As the wave of resistance that started in Minneapolis and spread to Los Angeles unfolds into a nationwide revolt, we can anticipate more hot demonstrations to come. Now we know that people will turn out to combative mass demonstrations here, if they are invited to. Ahead of the next moment of possibility, there are a few things that crews could do now to prepare:
Find a minute to rest, heal, get grounded, share food, and reflect on your experiences, so you can be ready to act with all the resources at your disposal when the time comes.
Identify potential targets and what kinds of actions they could render possible. These could be specific buildings, institutions, neighborhoods, commercial districts. Generate flyers to circulate and build popular consciousness around these targets.
Decide as a crew what kinds of interventions you could make to help shift dynamics in the favor of the crowd. Could you decisively propose a new target and direct the crowd to it? Do you have a mutual aid project that could distribute gas masks, goggles, umbrellas, and other tools to help people continue to fight? Could you coordinate communications and outreach efforts to draw more people to the streets and reinforce the demonstrations? Can you mobilize simultaneous actions at multiple locations, especially locations at which nothing has happened before? Can you open up new spaces to reinforce and support frontliners? Can you help sustain the demonstration with food, medic support, water, transport, and other material needs?
The window of opportunity is open right now and the possibilities are endless. It is up to all of us to bring those possibilities into existence before the forces that seek to preserve a world of police, borders, and exploitation can slam it shut.
Graffiti on the federal building.
Liberals who feared that Donald Trump was intentionally provoking unrest in “blue states” in order to discredit Democratic politicians will have to come up with a new narrative as the unrest spreads to states ruled by Republicans.
These contractors for Cop City Charlotte have been identified by reviewing public documents, and by witnessing their trucks and equipment participate in the ongoing destruction of the forest.
Faulconer Construction
Headquarters: Charlottesville, VA 2496 Old Ivy Road, 22903 434-295-0033 Equipment Shops: Louisa, VA 8350 Three Notch Road, 23093 434-973-3908
Raleigh, NC 8201 Old McCuller Road, 27603 984-742-7142
Office Locations: Culpeper, VA 13224 Lovers Lane, 22701 540-825-1434
Salem, VA 2160 Salem Industrial Drive, 24153 540-585-4919
Cary, NC 113 Edinburgh South, Suite 110, 27511 919-380-9293